Fanny, Jane and Seaside Watering Places

Dear Readers,

Due to writing deadlines, my next posts will be on 29 October and 30 December 2021. Keep safe.

Sheila

Introduction

In the early nineteenth century seaside resorts became a popular destination for relaxation and sociability among the gentry class. The vogue for sea air and sea bathing were motivating factors as were opportunities for refined entertainments and diversions. Jane Austen enjoyed sea bathing during family holidays at Sidmouth, Dawlish, Teignmouth and Lyme Regis between 1801 and 1804. Fanny Palmer Austen enjoyed similar pleasures of the seaside after she reached England in 1811. As the two sisters-in-law came to know each other better, they found they shared a mutual interest in all manner of activities relating to the sea, including the relaxing life at seaside resorts. Fanny had much to tell Jane about her experiences at sea and on shore, and Jane found cause to use her acquired knowledge of the seaside in writing her later novels. In particular, the phenomenon of the seaside resort became the setting for her last, unfinished novel, Sanditon.

Fanny at Southend

After the remoteness and often foul weather conditions suffered during the winter and spring aboard HMS Namur, Fanny Palmer Austen keenly anticipated summer holidays at a seaside resort. During 1812 and 1813, Fanny’s father, John Grove Palmer, arranged a holiday for his whole family at Southend, Essex.[1] The party included Fanny’s parents, her naval husband Captain Charles Austen, their young daughters, sister Harriet, and by times her sister Esther and her sons.[2] Southend turned out to be an excellent choice for the scheme. It was conveniently located 42 miles from London where the Palmers lived and a short distance by sea from the Namur at the Nore anchorage for Fanny and her children.[3] In addition, Charles could readily join them when he had shore leave.

 Southend was one of the up-and-coming watering places of the period. The resort’s early developers foresaw the virtue of creating a “new town” to the west of the original fishing village, on the cliff tops, at a sufficient elevation to ensure a pleasing and panoramic perspective. Its centrepiece was a row of smart houses available for rent, known as the Royal Terrace, so named after the visit of Princess Caroline of Brunswick, wife of the Prince Regent, in 1801. Adjoining the terrace was the Royal Hotel which contained a handsomely furnished assembly room suitable for balls and a coffee room. Adjacent to it stood a new building housing a Circulating Library. The layout included a north-south leading High Street and an adjoining road leading to the original lower town, where the Southend Theatre was situated. By the time the Palmer-Austen party frequented Southend, the buildings and amenities of the fashionable core of the resort were complete, so Fanny and her family were able to enjoy the variety of facilities it offered.

Fig 1: The Terrace Southend, 1808. Note the bathing machines waiting for clients on the shore.[4]

On fine days visitors greeted each other as they walked on the broad gravelled promenade along the Royal Terrace or descended through the attractive shrubbery on the cliff side, where criss-crossing paths invited access to the sand beach. The Royal Hotel offered multiple amenities for public gatherings and the proprietor, D Miller, advertised that “dinners [could be] dressed and sent out to private homes at the shortest notice.”[5] The hotel also provided “Bathing Machines with proper Guides,” a service that made good the promise that Southend offered “particular advantages … for the comforts and conveniences of sea bathing.”[6] Warm saltwater baths could also be had at a site below the Royal Hotel.  

Fig. 2: Sketch of the Royal Hotel[7]

After the isolation of life aboard the Namur, Fanny enjoyed the sociability of her immediate family as well as the varied company provided by the comings and goings of many other visitors. She likely met others, like herself, who were part of the wider naval world. Southend was a popular destination for shore-based naval families, including naval officers reuniting with wives and children while their vessels were being repaired at the close by Sheerness Dockyard. Fanny mentions socializing with a Lt MacNamara, a marine from the Namur, who was staying in Southend during the summer of 1813.[8] Other officers from the Namur may have also headed for Southend for relaxation and entertainment. In general, Southend “tended to attract the … quiet and cultured sort of visitor.”[9] This description, with its implied promise of congenial camaraderie, suggests that Southend would have suited the social interests of the Palmer-Austen party.

Georgian society of the period enthusiastically endorsed the health-giving properties of sea air and bathing. Fanny had already praised the virtues of sea air in letters to her family. Writing from aboard the Namur, she said of her sister, Esther, who was visiting in London, that a “change of air [would] be of great service”[10] and that the bracing sea air would “restore [your] appetite sooner than anything.”[11]  She does not mention who in their party enjoyed sea bathing at Southend. As for herself, Fanny was four months pregnant in 1812 so may have demurred, although one of her sisters, Esther or Harriet, possibly accompanied Fanny’s intrepid elder daughter, Cassy, into the sea. The child was a prime candidate for saltwater therapy after a difficult spring aboard the Namur where she was very prone to sea sickness. In later years sea bathing became an established practice for the Austen children, their grandmother, Mrs. George Austen, noting in 1815 that they were “better for the sea air and bathing"[12] after a seaside holiday at Broadstairs, Kent.

A particular bonus for Fanny was the presence of the Circulating Library situated next to the Royal Hotel. The wide development of such libraries afforded new freedoms to a woman of the gentry, - a freedom to go to the library unescorted, a freedom to choose a book for herself from a selection of titles with women in mind. Once Fanny joined, she was entitled to borrow books on a wide range of subjects, including the latest novels, biography, poetry and history. After periods of seclusion on the Namur, going to the library to choose a book with the prospect of returning for another was surely a pleasure. Circulating libraries also catered for other female tastes by stocking trinkets and decorative items such as fans, ribbons, jewelry, parasols and toys for children, as well as gloves and sealing wax. Here was an opportunity for a little frivolous holiday shopping should Fanny be tempted.

Fig. 3: The purpose-built Library is the building on the far right.[13]

The Southend Theatre, opened in 1804, was another attractive destination. By 1810, actor-manager Samuel Jerrold was presenting a summer season of fully mounted productions, They included Adelgatha: or the Fruits of a Single Error, which promised patrons the sight of “Rocks, and a Waterfall, Grand Gothic Palace, Subterranean Cavern, and Grand Banquet.”[14] Fanny’s letters indicate that she enjoyed music and theatrical presentations, so whatever the playbill during Fanny’s time at Southend, a family outing to the theatre would be particularly enjoyable for her.

Southend and Sanditon Compared

Fanny was at Southend from July to September 1813. The following month, she and Charles with two of their children, paid a week’s visit to Godmersham Park, the estate of his brother, Edward Knight, where Jane Austen was also staying. The coincidence of their mutually happy visits afforded Fanny and Jane the opportunity to spend time together and to share family news, including anecdotes about Fanny’s Southend holiday. Although such information might be considered merely family chit chat, Fanny’s descriptions of the setting, as well as her opinions about the social and cultural dynamics at Southend, may have been of use to Jane when she began to create her own fictional watering place in her novel, Sanditon.

Sanditon is a satirical story about the alterations occurring in a little fishing village during its transformation into a profitable seaside resort. It touches on the themes of business speculation, hypochondria, health exploitation, escalating tourism and its effect upon rural communities and traditional values. The reader meets a cast of memorable and amusingly portrayed characters: Mr Tom Parker, landed gentleman and lately an enthusiast turned property speculator, Lady Denham, a rich widow, the grand lady of the village and the co-investor in Parker’s scheme, the hypochondriacal Parker siblings, Diana, Susan and Arthur, and their dashing brother, Sidney. Austen’s developing plot hinges on the activities and aspirations of other Sanditon inhabitants as well: the enigmatic, beautiful Clara Brereton, poor cousin of Lady Denham, the lecherous Sir Edward Denham who hopes to inherit from Lady Denham and marry wealth, a highly anticipated visitor, the half mulatto heiress Miss Lambe, and the heroine, Charlotte Heywood, who observes and judges the inhabitants and visitors to Sanditon as she contemplates the different illusions of reality about the resort which they entertain. Begun in January 1817, and left unfinished on 18 March, only 20% of the novel was completed before Jane’s death in July. Sadly, the reader can only guess at how the love interest would have developed among the young people and speculate about who will gain and who will lose, as the scheme to develop Sanditon proceeds.

Fig. 4: Jane Austen’s Sanditon with an Essay by Janet Todd (2019)

The village of Sanditon and its social life bears some interesting resemblances to Fanny’s knowledge of Southend. Austen conveys a strong sense of Sandition’s physical features, both existing and planned by Parker, in order to engender a sense of the resort it will become. Such a place required a number of specific amenities all of which Fanny and her family found at Southend. Indeed, Fanny could convey her personal perceptions to Jane about the look and feel of Southend, along with a description of the layout of the purposely built Southend “new town.” [15] Intriguingly, a similar grouping of interrelated buildings appears in Sanditon. The scene is described thus: “about a hundred yards from the brow of a steep, but not very lofty cliff, [there was] … one short row of smart looking houses, called the Terrace, with a broad walk in front…. In this row [was] the library, a little detached from it, the hotel and billiard room - here began the descent to the beach, and to the bathing machines – and this was therefore the favorite spot for beauty and fashion” (chapter 4, 173).[16] In effect, there is a persuasive parallel between the physical layout of Southend as Fanny knew it and of Sanditon as Jane described it.

Fanny knew how important the fashionable core of Southend was for meeting, socializing and the sharing of news. She would be able to describe the dynamics of this social hub in some detail. She could recount how friendships were made and relationships advanced as individuals interacted in the environs of the Terrace, the Hotel and the Library. There is a similar busyness in Sanditon. Much of the interaction among the characters takes place on the promenade in front of the Terrace, in one of the Terrace Houses or at the Hotel.[17]

In addition, the Library in Sanditon is both a cultural and social centre. Sanditon’s heroine, Charlotte, is taken on an early visit there and invited to appreciate its merits, both in the line of books to borrow and trinkets available for purchase. In the novel, the library functions as an essential component of the resort experience, as it did for Fanny in Southend. It was another pleasurable feature of her holiday she could share with Jane, perhaps even telling her what books she had borrowed.

A further benefit of a visit to a seaside resort was thought to be the healthful effects of exposure to sea air, and even sea bathing. Fanny had praised the restorative virtues of bracing sea air in letters to her family.[18] In Jane Austen’s Emma (1815), it is the apothecary, Mr Wingfield, who advises John Knightley to take his family to a seaside resort, prescribing “for all the children, but particularly for the weakness in little Bella’s throat, - both sea air and bathing” (Emma, chapter 12). Austen specifically named their destination, “South End.” Later in Sanditon, Austen mentions “a family of children who came from London for sea air after whooping cough” (chapter 4, 172). This behaviour is resonant with the views and practices of Fanny’s family.

As Jane’s letters between May 1801 to September 1803 do not exist, there is no primary source about the Austen family experiences during their seaside visits to Sidmouth, Dawlish, and Teignmouth. Consequently, we don’t know how Jane’s response to seaside resorts might have influenced her imaginative construction of Sanditon as a watering place.[19] In contrast, it is possible to reconstruct Fanny’s opinions about Southend and appreciate their descriptive content.  It would not be surprising if Jane found them useful in creating Sanditon’s evolving fashionable centre.

Appendix:  Modern Southend today:

Fig 5: The Royal Terrace and Royal Hotel[20]

Fig. 6: The Royal Terrace

Fig 7: Decorative iron railing along the Royal Terrace

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[1] Fanny notes in a letter to her sister Esther: “We are going to Southend tomorrow or the next day to look at a house which Papa thinks will answer for you all, and if we approve of it, I believe he will take it” (5 March 1812). See Sheila Johnson Kindred, Jane Austen’s Transatlantic Sister (hereafter JATS), (2017, 2018), 102-03.

[2] In 1813 the party included Palmer Esten but lacked Esther Esten and her son Hamilton who had returned to Bermuda.

[3] Since January 1812, Fanny had been making a home for Charles and their daughters aboard HMS Namur, the guard and receiving ship at the Nore anchorage offshore from Sheerness, Kent.

[4] Published by Kershaw & Son, no. 619.

[5] Advertisement for the Royal Hotel, 1813.

[6] Chelmsford Chronicle, 21 July 1813.

[7] Inserted in Europe Magazine, April 1813.

[8] Fanny to Esther Esten, 11 March 1814. See JATS, 156-157.

[9] See William Pollitt, Southend 1760-1860 (1939), 26.

[10] Fanny to James Esten, 21 January 1812. See JATS, 101.

[11] Fanny to Esther Esten, 5 March 1812. See JATS, 103.

[12] “A Letter from Mrs George Austen to Anna Lefroy,” The Jane Austen Society Report for 2003, 228.

[13] Print, 1808.

[14] See Michael Slater, Douglas Jerrold 1803-1857 (2000), 22.

[15] See paragraphs 3 and 4 above and Figs 1- 3.

[16] All page references are from Jane Austen: Lady Susan, The Watsons, Sanditon, ed. Margaret Drabble, Penguin Books (1974).

[17] The plot depends on there being occasions and places when characters can meet each other frequently, either by design or by chance. The close spatial relations among the Terrace, the Hotel and the Library facilitate such interactions and make them appear plausible. In chapter 7, we learn that “the Terrace was the attraction to all; every body who walked, must begin with the Terrace” (183). Charlotte has a tete-a-tete with Lady Denham on one of the green benches on the Terrace (186-189), an encounter which gives her an insight into Lady Denham’s character. Arthur Parker intends to “take several turns on the Terrace” (chapter 10, 201) every morning for exercise but one suspects his real motivation is to see who is out walking with whom and where are they are heading. Once the Parker siblings have secured lodgings for themselves on the Terrace, it is essential to their interests that they be able to monitor the comings and goings to the hotel and the movements of Mrs Griffith and her party, who are lodging in “the corner house of the Terrace” (chapter 11, 207).

[18] See notes 10 and 11.

[19] Anthony Edmonds and Janet Clark have focused attention on another seaside resort associated with Jane Austen. See Anthony Edmonds, “Edward Ogle of Worthing and Jane Austen’s Sanditon,” The Jane Austen Society Report for 1810, 114-128 and Janet Clark, “Jane Austen and Worthing,” The Jane Austen Society Report for 2008, 86-105.  

[20] Photo credits 5-7, Hugh Kindred

Cassandra Esten Austen: Naval Child during the Napoleonic Wars

A girl born to a genteel Georgian family in England would likely be raised in a comfortable home, supported by parents and servants, and provided with all that she needed. Her predictable upbringing would include the security of a familiar, local community in which she could find appropriate playmates and would receive the respect due to her father.[1] Cassandra (Cassy) Esten Austen’s childhood was different. On account of her father’s career in the British navy during the Napoleonic Wars, Cassy moved between the North American port towns of St George’s, Bermuda and Halifax, Nova Scotia, travelling back and forth by sailing ship, despite the hazards of attack by enemy vessels or shipwreck by ocean storms. In 1811, she made the dangerous voyage across the Atlantic and then lived on a working naval vessel, stationed off the cost of England. Here is her story.

Cassy, the first child of Fanny and Charles Austen, was born in St George’s, Bermuda on 22 December 1808. She was first described in a letter that her ecstatic father wrote to his sister, Cassandra Austen, in England soon after her birth. He reported: “The Baby besides being the finest that ever was seen is really a good looking healthy young Lady of very large dimensions and as fat as butter.”[2] At the time, Charles was a naval lieutenant in command of a sloop of war, HMS Indian (18 guns) in service on the North American Station. He had met and married Fanny Palmer in Bermuda, where her father had been the expatriate Attorney General.

 From a very young age Cassy experienced the peripatetic nature of naval life. In the autumn of 1809, the Indian needed extensive repairs at the Halifax Naval Yard. Charles’s family accompanied him on the voyage from Bermuda to deliver the vessel for this purpose. Cassy’s presence in Halifax and her connection to the navy became a matter of public record when she was baptised at St Paul’s Anglican church, Halifax, on 6 October 1809. The service was performed by the naval chaplain, Rev. Robert Stanser, and two of her sponsors,[3] Captain Edward Hawker of HMS Melampus and Esther Esten, one of Cassy’s aunts, were able to attend. The record of her baptism specifies her father’s rank, citing him as “Capt. Charles John Austen Royal Navy.”

Fig. 1: St Paul’s Church, Halifax, Nova Scotia[4]

Fig.2: Entry of Cassy Austen’s Baptism (on the bottom line) in the Church Records  

That autumn was also notable for the family’s horrific voyage in the Indian whilst returning to Bermuda from Halifax after the vessel’s repairs were completed. It was late November and winter on the North Atlantic. Just out of Halifax, the Indian was caught in a fearful storm of “strong gales, sleet and snow.” The logbook recorded “the gales increased” and “the ship was labouring and shipping heavy seas.”[5] These matter-of-fact remarks belie the ferocious nature of the storm and the awful risk of sinking. The Indian, after the harrowing journey, limped into Bermuda after fifteen days at sea, twice the usual time. Cassy must have been terrified by this experience. She would make other sea voyages between Halifax and Bermuda before she was three years old, and she would face the rigours of a transatlantic crossing in mid 1811. In addition to the hazards of sea voyages, Cassy was not a happy traveller. During an eight day passage from Bermuda to Halifax in 1810, her mother regretfully recorded that “poor little Cass was very sick.”[6]

Fig 3: HMS Cleopatra in a Storm[7]

Cassy lived in Halifax again in 1810 when her father began service on HMS Swiftsure (50 guns) as flag captain for Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren. On arrival from Bermuda, Cassy was housed on shore with her parents in the Admiral’s residence situated at the north end of the busy Halifax Naval Yard. By then her personality traits were becoming apparent: she gave evidence of vigour and independence. Fanny described her 17-month-old daughter as “so riotous and unmanageable, that I can do nothing with her.”[8] Ever practical, Fanny decided to dress her child in “short frocks and pantaloons for she is such a romp.”[9]

For four warm summer months Cassy enjoyed her new situation in Halifax. Popular with her host, Lady Warren, who was apparently “very fond of … little Cassy,”[10] the child had, in addition to the attentions of her mother, the services of a maid, Molly. Cassy’s company had an added importance for Fanny during the ten weeks Charles was away on a mission, delivering troops to a war zone off the coast of Portugal. When there was no word of the Swiftsure’s progress, Fanny became increasingly anxious. Cassy provided a distraction, a ready subject for affection and care, and her cheerful presence helped Fanny get through a worrying period of separation from Charles.  

Cassy’s place in her father’s naval world was dependent on the ship into which he was commissioned and the station on which he was serving. Her first naval associations had been with the North American Station, but by mid 1811 the family was in England. Shortly after arrival, Charles unexpectedly lost the command of the frigate, HMS Cleopatra (32 guns) and, as a result, he and his family were cast on shore on half pay.

Fortuitously, about this time his former commander and family friend, Admiral Sir Thomas Williams,[11] was appointed Commander in Chief at the Nore. He asked Charles to be his flag captain. For Cassy this meant another big change in her lifestyle. She was to live on board HMS Namur (74 guns), a working naval vessel riding at anchor 3 miles north-east from Sheerness, Kent.[12] Cassy, together with her sister, Harriet Jane, born in February 1810, found themselves in a new home with unusual features.

The family’s living space was the captain’s quarters which occupied the width of the ship in the stern on the quarterdeck and under the poop deck. The spacious captain’s cabin was a very pleasant room, with its extensive view of the anchorage and the ships passing by. However, it was also a place of business for Charles so the children did not have unlimited access. Fortunately, there were other spaces to inhabit. A sleeping cabin next to the captain’s cabin may have been used by all the family so that Cassy and Harriet would have the comfort of being close to their parents overnight. The dining room, situated across from the sleeping cabin, was sometimes the site of family meals. The rest of the quarters would have had multiple uses, such as storage for books and family possessions, space for makeshift accommodation for the occasional visitor, and a useful place for spinning tops and playing children’s games. An armed marine stood on guard continuously at the entrance to the captain’s quarters, another unique feature of living on board as part of his family.  

Cassy was confined to the family quarters while aboard the Namur, but access to the exposed poop deck above made pleasurable perambulations possible. Not only was this a healthy undertaking in the bracing sea air, but the poop deck afforded a panoramic view of the ship at work. Men could be seen working aloft on the sails and masts or scrubbing the deck. Others took receipt of shipments of provisions delivered by a barge sent from the Sheerness Dock Yard. Periodically red-coated marines could be seen drilling on the upper deck, or men “pressed” into naval service were visible as they were received on board before assignment to a particular ship. Cassy might also listen to her father being piped aboard after a meeting on shore with Admiral Williams. In the background she heard the cries of swooping gulls and the sound of the channel buoys over the perpetual creaking of the ship and the whistle of the wind in the riggings.

Sometimes Cassy left the Namur for visits to her Austen and Palmer relatives on land in Hampshire, Kent, and London. On these occasions, she disembarked in a bosun’s chair - a plank seat with canvas surrounds slung by ropes and pulleys from the ship. Secure in a parent’s arms, then swung over the side of the Namur, she was lowered into the ship’s tender, which would take her ashore, - surely a heady adventure for a naval child.  

Cassy was devoted to her parents and her sisters, Harriet and little Fan, born in December 1812, and was happiest when with them, but it became increasingly clear that the benefits of family life on the Namur were outweighed by her sufferings when the ship’s motion in rough seas triggered severe and prolonged bouts of sea sickness.[13] Adding to this problem were the discomforts of exposure to frigid weather at sea in winter. So Cassy’s parents decided that she should periodically leave the family circle and stay on land with her aunts, Jane and Casandra at Chawton Cottage and Harriet in London. The aunts welcomed her, though it meant more changes in her home life.   

Cassy’s story reveals one child’s experiences growing up in a naval community. Some circumstances of her family life were favourable to her well being and development, others were less productive of comfort and pleasure. Cassy was able to grow up in a stable and caring family because her parents determined to keep all its members together as far as possible. Rather than leave her in Bermuda on the two occasions when Charles’s career required him to stay in Halifax, Cassy and her mother came along as well. Once in England in 1811, instead of Fanny and the children living on shore, as many naval families did, the Charles Austens chose to establish an “aquatic abode,” as Cassandra Austen called it, on the Namur. Thus, Cassy was spared separation from her parents during most of her early formative years. Additionally, Cassy mixed with a variety of naval folk, including the officers under her father’s command, as well as the Admirals he served under - John Warren and Thomas Williams - together with their wives. She was introduced at a very young age to adult company and social life. Cassy was also exposed to a variety of climates, landscapes, towns and cities in North America and England, and she must have begun to observe the diversity of nature and human life. She was gaining views of the wider world.

Other aspects of Cassy’s naval lifestyle were difficult. She was plagued with sea sickness. Not only did her parents grieve to see her so discomforted but they were concerned that her early education would suffer. Additionally, she lacked the advantage of a steady land-based home in a familiar neighbourhood. To a sense of instability may be added loneliness. Once on the Namur Cassy may have found the captain’s quarter too confining. There was no scope for running about outside; the lack of other children, apart from her younger sisters, conceivably added to a feeling of isolation. Such was Cassy Austen’s early childhood, far removed from the predictable norms for a girl of her station in Georgian life, yet revealing of a naval family’s existence during the Napoleonic Wars as experienced from a child’s point of view.

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[1] Cassy’s first cousin, Caroline Austen (1805-1880), daughter of her uncle, James Austen, had a similar lifestyle.

[2] Charles Austen to his sister, Cassandra, 25 December 1808. See Sheila Johnson Kindred, Jane Austen’s Transatlantic Sister (hereafter JATS), MQUP, 2017, 2018, 216.

[3] The other sponsor was her aunt, Cassandra Austen, in England.

[4] Attributed to Amelia Almon Ritchie and thought to be a copy of a watercolour of the same scene by Halifax artist, William Eagar (1796-1839), who taught Amelia Ritchie drawing.

[5] The Indian’s Logbook, 29 November 1809, ADM 51/1991.

[6] Fanny Austen to her sister Esther, 1 June 1810. See JATS, 52.

[7] Cassy crossed the Atlantic in HMS Cleopatra in 1811. This image depicts the ship’s struggles in a severe storm in 1814 when Charles was no longer her captain.

[8] Fanny to Esther, 1 June 1810, See JATS, 52.

[9] Fanny to Esther, 23 September 1810. See JATS, 68.

[10] Fanny to Esther, 1 June 1810. See JATS, 53.

[11] Charles had served under Thomas Williams on HMS Unicorn (32 guns) and HMS Endymion (44 guns).

[12] The Namur had had an illustrious career in the sea service. She had seen action in numerous battles: Louisburg (1758), Lagos (1759), Havana (1762), and Ortegal (1805). Now she was the guard ship at the Nore and a receiving ship for sailors waiting to be deployed to naval vessels fitting out in the Thames and Medway rivers.

[13] As Jane explained to Cassandra, Fanny and Charles “do not consider the Namur as disagreeing with [Cassy] in general - only when the Weather is so rough as to make her sick.” Jane to Cassandra, Letter # 94, 26 October 1813. 

Louisa, Fanny, and Sophy: Lives of Naval Wives

Lady Louisa Hardy

Naval officers’ wives during the Napoleonic Wars have long fascinated me—both the real-life ones and those found in fiction, such as in Jane Austen’s Persuasion. While researching the life of Fanny Palmer Austen, I came upon the story of Louisa Berkeley, who married a naval officer in Halifax, Nova Scotia, the same year Fanny Palmer married Charles, Jane’s younger naval brother, in Bermuda. Comparing Louisa’s actions as a naval wife with Fanny’s gave me insights into the significance of Fanny’s relationship with Charles within the naval world they shared. In the process, I discovered how aspects of Fanny’s married life found echos in Austen’s imagining of Sophy, wife of Admiral Croft, in Persuasion. Here are profiles of the diverging and diverting sea going lives of Louisa and Fanny that afforded me a greater understanding of the character of Sophy Croft in Persuasion.

Louisa Berkeley was the eldest daughter of Admiral Sir George Cranfield Berkeley, Charles Austen’s commander-in-chief on the North American Station of the navy, 1806-08. Fanny may even have met the vivacious Louisa, and her sisters, for Sir George brought his family out with him to the North American Station. After a whirlwind courtship in Halifax, Louisa married Sir Thomas Masterman Hardy in St. Paul’s Church on 16 November 1807. Hardy had been Admiral Nelson’s close friend, and captain of his flag ship, HMS Victory, at the Battle of Trafalgar, and had recently been made a baronet, accomplishments which presumably contributed to his attractiveness as a suitor. One wonders if Louisa had any clear idea of what life as a naval wife might entail. She was soon to find out.

After the wedding, Sir Thomas was immediately sent to the Chesapeake Bay area, off the coast of Virginia, where the British navy was determined to contain French war ships already shut up in the Bay. According to a disgruntled Louisa, writing from aboard Hardy’s warship, the 74 gun Triumph, “we spent from December 1807 to April 1808 in the gloomy, desolate [Chesapeake] Bay not allowed to land as the Americans were in such an exasperated state that they might have been disagreeable” (quoted in Nelson’s Hardy and his Wife 1769-1877, by John Gore [1935]). During the whole winter the ship was kept perpetually ready for action and no fires were allowed. In these frigid and far from romantic circumstances, Louisa became pregnant with her first of three daughters. She had no regrets when “at last we were released and I returned to Bermuda where my family were, and soon after . . . [on the Triumph], we returned to England.”

It must have become very soon apparent to Louisa that sharing a naval life with Hardy would have limited attractions for her. They were mismatched in matters of personality and interests. He was a serious, unromantic and uncharismatic 38-year-old, wedded to his career in the navy, whereas she was nineteen, socially ambitious, and fun loving. She scarcely knew Hardy when she married him and their first months together on the Triumph, as she describes them, must have reduced any feelings of “fine naval fervour” that she might have originally felt. She found that she hated to be at sea and very early decided she was uninterested in her husband’s career. In subsequent years she often lived abroad with their three daughters, cultivated the friendship of foreign aristocrats and pursued a life of amusement and entertainment, unconcerned that Hardy was regularly posted on assignments at sea taking him far from England. Louisa was essentially a naval wife in name only.

Fanny held very different views and attitudes about her role as a naval wife. She had the advantage of getting well acquainted with Charles during the two years before they married. She knew him to be kind, caring, charming, entertaining, and very handsome. Beginning with their earliest days together, Fanny saw herself as Charles’s helpmate and supporter. As she lived in Bermuda, the southern base of the North American Station, she understood what the career of a serving naval officer entailed, and she willingly became a participant in naval life. She travelled with Charles on board his vessel the eighteen gun Indian between Bermuda and Halifax on a number of occasions. She experienced at least one horrific storm at sea, but this did not discourage her from sailing with him, including undertaking a North Atlantic crossing to England in 1811. She was attuned to the social role which she was expected to fulfill as flag captain’s wife in Halifax in the summer of 1810 and again during 1812-14 in England, when Charles was flag captain on the 74 gun HMS Namur, which was stationed at the Nore. During this later period, Fanny courageously accepted the challenge of making a home for their family of three daughters on board the Namur.

Some of Fanny’s naval experiences would have been known within the Austen family, and especially by Jane and Cassandra. Fanny had originally been introduced through correspondence within the Austen family and once she was in England, she and Charles paid regular visits to Chawton Cottage, where Jane and Cassandra periodically cared for their children. On one occasion when Fanny and Jane were both guests at Godmersham Park, the estate of Charles’s brother, Edward, Jane wrote to Cassandra, speaking of Fanny in familiar terms. She refers to her as “Mrs Fanny, “Fanny Senior,” “[Cassy’s] Mama”, and part of “the Charleses” (15 and 26 October 1813). She notes that Fanny appears “just like [her] own nice self,” words which suggest Jane had a warm and affectionate attitude towards Fanny. Contacts such as these allowed Jane Austen to learn about Fanny’s unique and diverse involvement as an officer’s wife in a naval world. Crucially, Fanny was able to articulate the complexities of naval life from a female point of view.

Jane’s evident sensitivities to Fanny’s life as a naval wife likely influenced her creation of Sophy Croft in Persuasion. Certainly, there are some key differences between Fanny and Sophy in terms of age and appearance, perceptions of what counts as “comfortable” living on a war ship, and the absence of children to care for and nurture. However, there are striking similarities between the two women in terms of behaviour, attitudes and practical common sense.

Both woman made voyages with their husbands. Fanny sailed with Charles between the bases on the North American station and she travelled to England with him on his frigate Cleopatra in 1811. Sophy crossed the Atlantic four times and accompanied Admiral Croft on many other voyages as well. Additionally, Sophy was familiar with Bermuda, a clue that she has been with Admiral Croft on the North American Station, just as Fanny had been with Charles. Fanny periodically lived on four of Charles’s vessels; Sophy made her home on five of her husband’s ships. Both women staved off periods of sea sickness when under sail.

Both Fanny Austen and Sophy Croft were most content when sharing their husband’s lives. Fanny’s letters speak of her very great pleasure in being in Charles’s company. She frankly admits that she is “never happy but when she is with her husband” (4 October 1813). According to Sophy, “the happiest part of my life has been spent on board a ship. While we were together . . . there was nothing to be feared. Thank God!” Likewise, Jane Austen depicts the Crofts as a “particularly attached and happy” couple. Jane Austen’s appreciation of Fanny’s strong desire to support Charles, to find a community of friends, and to be his constant and affectionate companion, may have influenced her ascription of those traits to Sophy Croft.

In his biography of Jane Austen, Park Honan suggests that she drew on some aspects of Fanny for Mrs Croft and that she admired Fanny’s “unfussiness and gallant good sense” (Jane Austen: Her Life [1997]). My research into Fanny’s articulate and candid letters written from the Namur, together with records and accounts in her pocket diary, supports this observation. They show her organizing domestic arrangements, acquiring food and necessities for her family at bargain prices and identifying books for the education of her five-year-old daughter, Cassy. In a similar vein, within her domestic sphere, Mrs. Croft proves to be practical and business-like in the matter of arranging for the tenancy of Kellynch Hall and effecting practical alterations once they are resident there.

The three naval wives in question, Louisa, Fanny, and Sophy, make up a diverse trio. Louisa proved to be largely absent from Thomas Hardy’s naval life, but Fanny supported Charles in his naval career with courage, spirit, and dedication. It is fortunate that Jane had a “sister” of Fanny’s ilk, whose richness of experience as a naval wife could contribute to Austen’s creativity when she came to draw the very likable and competent Sophy Croft in Persuasion.

Quotations are from the Penguin Classics edition of Persuasion, edited by D.W. Harding (1965), and the Oxford edition of Jane Austen’s Letters, edited by Deirdre Le Faye (4th edition, 2011).

It is likely that Jane’s sensitivities to Fanny’s naval experiences also influenced some aspects of Anne Elliot and Mrs. Harville. For a full discussion of the other naval wives and more about the resonances between Fanny and Sophy Croft, see Chapter 9 in Jane Austen’s Transatlantic Sister: The Life and Letters of Fanny Palmer Austen, by Sheila Johnson Kindred (2017).

First posted on http://sarahemsley.com

Sheila introduces “Jane Austen’s Transatlantic Sister”

Fanny Palmer Austen by Robert Field

Just over two hundred years ago a young naval wife spent an anxious summer in Halifax, Nova Scotia. It was the later years of the Napoleonic Wars. Her husband had been suddenly called away on a mission to transport troops to a war zone off the coast of Portugal. During the months that followed, she waited for his return with growing trepidation until she finally welcomed back to port her “beloved Charles.” The genteel young woman was the beautiful, Bermuda-born Fanny Palmer Austen; her husband was Captain Charles John Austen, a naval officer, then serving on the North American Station of the British navy, and the youngest brother of the novelist Jane Austen.

This vignette, derived from Fanny Austen’s own letters in 1810, has turned out to be an inspiration for me. Since 2005 I had been writing extensively about Charles Austen’s career in North American waters, about the excitement of his first command and his pursuit of naval prize. More recently I became intrigued by the evidence that his young wife, Fanny Palmer, had spent parts of two years in the place which I call home – Halifax, Nova Scotia. I wanted to find out about her personality and character, as well as about the kind of life she led in Halifax and elsewhere. There was much to explore, beginning with her formative years in St George’s, Bermuda, through her naval travels with Charles in North America to her later years in England when she came to know the rest of his family. This biography presents what I have learned about Fanny Palmer Austen in all the ordinary and extraordinary aspects of her short life during exciting times.

My investigations began with Fanny’s letters, which have proved to be a treasure trove of personal narrative and contemporary detail. By further research, I have been able to present the letters in the social and cultural context of Fanny’s life. The picture of a lively, resourceful, and articulate young woman has emerged. I discovered a wife intimately involved with her husband’s naval career and a new and significant member of the Austen family.

Charles John Austen by Robert Field

The narrative of Fanny’s life describes what it was like to be a young woman living at sea with her husband and small children in early nineteenth-century wartime. Little has been written about wives who had immediate experience of their husbands’ professional careers and naval society. Fanny Austen’s letters, along with the story which surrounds them, affords a unique insight into female life in the theatres of naval warfare on both sides of the Atlantic during this tumultuous time.

Through her marriage to Charles, Fanny became closely connected with other members of his family. In particular, Fanny developed a relationship with Jane Austen that excited my attention. Their sisterly association led me to enquire whether Fanny’s experiences may have influenced Jane in the writing of her fiction. Evidence presented in the book supports a number of parallels between Fanny’s conduct and character and Austen’s portrayal of women with naval connections, such as Mrs Croft and Anne Elliot in Persuasion. Because Fanny was with Charles both on the North American station of the British navy (1807–11) and then with him and their children aboard HMS Namur stationed off Sheerness, Kent (1812–14), she had a truly transatlantic experience within his naval world that she could impart to Jane. Hence the title of the book, Jane Austen’s Transatlantic Sister.

HMS Atalante, sister ship to Charles Austen's sloop of war, HMS Indian (18 guns).

Before Fanny travelled to England with Charles and their children in 1811, she sailed with him on his sloop of war, HMS Indian (18 guns), between Bermuda and Halifax, Nova Scotia on a number of occasions. It was not always smooth sailing. The North Atlantic is frequently disturbed by gale force winds and heavy seas that can readily overpower a small wooden sailing ship. Fanny learned the hard way, as the following passage from the book reveals.

The Indian cleared the harbour on 29 November [1809] for a voyage that would be fraught with danger. Fanny and [her daughter, one year old] Cassy experienced their first major storm at sea and it was terrifying. Just out of Halifax the Indian met “strong gales with sleet and snow.” By the evening the “gale increased” and “the ship was labouring and shipping heavy seas.” For the next five days, the vessel lurched and rocked in the merciless gales. The Indian became separated from the flagship HMS Swiftsure (74 guns) and the three other vessels in convoy, HMS Aeolus (32 guns), HMS Thistle (10 guns), and HMS Bream (4 guns). On 3 December when the Indian signalled the Thistle with a blue light, which is ordinarily a sign of distress, she did not reply. It was not encouraging … that they were 495 nautical miles from a navigational point identified in the ship’s log as Wreck Hill, Bermuda.

The erratic rolling of the vessel and the bone-chilling wind must have greatly distressed and alarmed Fanny, now almost seven months’ pregnant. She needed to be brave and to try to hide her trepidation, especially as she had a terrified Cassy to calm and reassure. Finally, on 5 December the wind dropped to moderate breezes. The men surveyed the damage to the vessel and repairs began. According to the logbook, “people [were] employed repairing the rigging after the gale” and “fitting a new main sail.” By 10 December, the Indian’s deck was still awash with as much as two inches of water. Imagine Fanny’s relief when land was sighted and they “made all sail” for St David’s Head, Bermuda, arriving in St George’s on 12 December after a harrowing voyage of fifteen days, almost twice the time the journey usually took.

After reaching Bermuda, Fanny settled down on shore to await the birth of their second child, Harriet Jane, a namesake for her own sister Harriet and her sister-in-law, Jane Austen. She would experience many more adventures both at sea and on land; she would survive a potentially dangerous crossing of the North Atlantic; she would get to know Charles’s family in England, and she would develop a significant relationship with Jane Austen. All this and more was yet to come.

First posted on https://mqup.ca